I'm not American. I'm Canadian.
So it's odd then that I write so much about America and I care so much about what happens in America. Part of it is practicality - Canada is a US client state and American politics affect Canadians. When you throw away your freedoms, ours will soon follow (our government just launched its own "no-fly list", for example and after you put out the Patriot Act we put out our own version.)
But part of it is just that I care about America and the American experiment.
Those of us who didn't grow up in America, but under the sway of America's media, imbibed a very pure form of the American mythos and civic religion. The American Civil Religion, with its secular saints such as Jefferson, Hamilton and Washington and its written Constitutional scripture is also a source of wonderment. Canada has no equivalent, no deep sense of history, no touchstone that is written back to to justify the present. Those words of your founders, those words that resound through history are words that inspire men and women who have never seen America and never will.
The Declaration of Independence spoke to all humans, with its assertion that all men are created equal and have unalienable rights. The US system of government, with its checks and balances, seemed unique and able to take shocks that might topple other democratic forms of government.
More...
The Statue of Liberty, holding its torch aloft in New York's harbor, proclaimed that in America the wretched masses of the world might find a home, hope, liberty and opportunity.
And, of course, there was the US's role in both World War II and the Cold War. When Europe was in chains, America freed it. It may be true that the German army died in the plains of Russia, but without the US, all of Europe would have fallen into the gray pit of Russian rule and despair.
Truly, in the Cold War, America stood astride the word facing off against an evil empire. Reagan was right when he called the USSR evil - it was a totalitarian nightmare, and opposing it; keeping it in check, was the moral thing to do.
None of this is to say that America was always "the good" - there was Vietnam, there was complicity in various dictatorships; there was a distressing tendency to meddle, especially in Latin America - there were, in short, many places where America fell short of its own ideals.
Yet, in all, America was still the shining city on the hill. Even those who disliked it, when asked "well, what hegemonic nation, past or present, would be preferable to America", were stilled. In truth, as superpowers go, America was about the best one could hope for - power corrupted, but it had not corrupted absolutely.
And when the Berlin Wall went down, and the USSR with it, and the US stood astride the world, the sole unchallenged superpower, at first absolutely powerful, it was not corrupted absolutely. In the Cold War there had been no question the US needed allies and friends and there had been an acknowledgment that nations pushed too far might slip into the other camp. Perhaps the USSR wasn't an ideal patron - but the possibility was always there if the US abused its position too much. And certainly the thought of pre-emptive US use of nukes against non-nuclear nations wasn't even considered - the USSR stood ready, with missiles aimed at America, to ensure that would not happen.
In the 90's America mostly either used its power responsibly, or at worst, didn't use it when some hoped it would, as in the Rwandan genocide, or the slowness in dealing with the Balkans. If the new fascination with "globalization" and the fetishization of "free trade", which mostly meant "free flow of money and investments" dismayed many, still it wasn't outwardly violent and continued the American habit of binding its empire together less with troops than with alliances and economic ties that often amounted to dependency.
And then the Bush years happened. George Bush, with the acquiescence of Congress and the consent of the majority of voters, who elected him in 2004, made the US a unilateral actor on the world stage, a country that engaged in pre-emptive war and threatens to use nuclear weapons in a first strike. A nation, moreover, which has repudiated the freedoms that the rest of the world admired it for, has engaged in torture, struck down habeas corpus and openly mocked the Geneva Conventions.
America had become, in the eyes of the world, un-American.
The America we loved - the America which, if it did not always match words to ideals, still seemed to move more in jerks and starts towards those ideals, died, choking, gasping, in front of our very eyes.
What is so sad about this, to me, is that if America had lived up to its own ideals, America would be safer.
No Pre-Emptive War
Americans hung a lot of Nazis for the crime of pre-emptive war. Men who were in no way involved in the Holocaust swung high at Nuremberg because they attacked other countries that hadn't attacked them first.
The Iraq war, a war which was based on lies, and sold on classic Big Lie techniques, with 70% of Americans believing Iraq was behind 9/11, has made the US less safe, not more, by giving millions of Muslims reason to hate America. The next generation of terrorists are being terrorized right now, and as with most violent criminals, they will do unto others as was done unto them.
And the current surge in nuclear proliferation can be laid in large part at the feet of the Iraq War, the lesson of which was not "if you have nukes we'll take you out", but "if you don't have nukes we can take you out. And if you do have nukes like North Korea we'll talk and make impotent and meaningless threats." (The second reason, of course, is that the US continually violates the non-proliferation treaty itself, making non-nuclear powers wonder why they should obey it either.)
If the US had not invaded Iraq there would be less terrorists in the world today and in the future. There would be less proliferation of nuclear weapons. By doing the right thing morally, the right thing in the American tradition, the US would be safer and richer.
American Generosity
Afghanistan fell to the Taliban in the 90's in large part because the US abandoned it. When Afghanis were fighting the USSR, US aid and money flowed in. When the USSR fell, Afghanis thought that they would receive significant aid from America. None came and the country fell to the Taliban. When Afghanistan falls again to the Taliban, as it almost certainly will, it will be because America and its NATO allies couldn't be bothered to make Afghanistan work for Afghanis. For years the Afghanis were patient, sidelined the Taliban and from all indications hoped that the Coalition would make things better in Afghanistan. That didn't happen (because all the effort was in Iraq, and because NATO is resentful at being forced to clean up Afghanistan and thus unwilling to put in the money) and slowly the worm is turning. The Taliban, for years marginalized, is making new inroads, and Afghanis themselves are showing that they are tired of being occupied without anything getting better.
Oddly enough, the same is true in Iraq. During the early period after the invasion there wasn't much resistance to the occupation. During that time a Marshall Plan variant might well have turned the ill-thought invasion into a success. But instead of letting money get into the hands of Iraqis, instead of making it so Iraqis were better off under the coalition, the Bush administration insisted on rewarding its cronies with jobs, and Republican associated companies with huge contracts they mostly couldn't fulfill. (My favourite being hiring an American company to rebuild a bridge at 20 times the cost an Iraqi engineering firm, which had built the bridge in the first place, offered to fix it for.)
In both cases being American - which is to say, generous, would have served the US better than trying to be stingy and engage in domestic pork barrel politics. And, oddly, being generous to the Iraqis and the Afghanis would have cost less as well, because butter is cheaper than guns, and Iraqis and Afghanis work for a lot less than Americans on the military-industrial dole.
Doing the right thing morally would have made the US safer and cost less money.
American Respect for Human and Civil Rights
In America, all men have unalienable rights. The way this is written isn't "all citizens" either - it implies all of humanity. If you are human, you have these rights, they are granted solely because you are human and thus cannot be taken away. Primary among these rights is the right to a fair trial before punishment; to habeas corpus; to not be subject to cruel and unusual punishment (which surely includes water boarding and being raped) and to freedom from arbitrary search and seizure (which includes being wiretapped without a judge issuing a warrant).
Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib, where "suspects" have been held without trial; have been tortured, and where there have been repeated attempts to end Habeas rights, are exhibit A. These prison camps have tarnished America's image abroad as it hasn't been smeared since the Philippines war of occupation. For billions around the world, the indelible image of America today may not be the Statue of Liberty, as it was to my generation - but a hooded man with electrodes attached to him.
This destruction of America's image has destroyed much of America's soft power. Neocons may sneer, but when you aren't the good guy you don't get as many people willing to spy for you (nor are they the best spies, since the ones who remain are those motivated mostly by greed.) You don't get as many informants (and informants are the best way to deal with terrorists). Many governments see no reason to cooperate with you, so to get anything you must use force or the threat of force.
As with people who are distrusted or despised, nations who are distrusted or despised find it much harder to get their way.
American Respect for Free Speech
It may seem odd, but few things incense me more than "free speech zones" (which, for the record, started under Clinton, not Bush, though Bush has extended them greatly.) And I think that shuffling dissent off where it can't be seen by people in power has done great damage to the health of American democracy. Those of us who watch politics regularly are constantly amazed by how "out of touch" Americas elites are. The Washington bubble isn't made of soap-suds, it's made of blast hardened concrete and Congressmen vote against the majority of Americans preferred interests all the time (the majority want the war ended, the majority want universal health care, the majority don't think oil companies need subsidies, and so on.)
Part of why they do it is that they are insulated from the real world, from the world that the rest of America lives in. George Bush, the most extreme case, is so isolated that even showing a negative sign along his motorcade's passage is forbidden. In both the Democratic and Republican conventions, protesters were shut so far away from the conventions that convention-goers might never have known they were even there.
I grew up thinking all of America was a free speech zone, not just special little areas chosen so as to make sure that the elites would never have to witness someone who was angry at the decisions they had made. And if America really was a free speech zone, America might be better off, because there is nothing worse for any nation than for its elites to live in a bubble.
A Hatred for Aristocracy, Inherited Wealth and Power
America was founded in explicit rejection of aristocracy and inherited power. An American, I was taught, bowed to no one. And for most of two centuries, America tended to have less disparities of income and wealth than other western nations. Oh aye, during the gilded age, there were great disparities within America, but they were still less than in Britain, or France, or most of Europe. And America had the most social mobility - you really did have the most chance to make it to the top from the bottom (though this remained rare, despite the ideal.)
That's no longer the case - America is the Western nation with the most inequality of any. And social mobility is dropping through the floor - a generation ago it was higher than almost anywhere, but the evidence coming in now is that if you aren't born well off, your odds of moving up in the world are worse than they have been in generations. Meanwhile the tax code has been jiggered to remove much of the Estate Tax and to benefit unearned money over that earned by an honest day's work. America is becoming a nation where power and money are inherited, where the rich get richer and where the working and middle classes are expected to borrow from their betters at usurious interest rates to make ends meet.
As this has occurred, and not coincidentally, Americas trade, balance of payment and government deficits have soared. Its savings rate has crumbled to the point where it is less than zero; to where the rest of the world is sending most of its savings to the US, and all those savings can barely keep the US economy above water.
The right thing to do, the American thing to do - to fight against entrenched wealth and power, especially multi-generational money, would have left the US stronger economically. The collapse of demand caused by sending profits preferentially to the rich and corporations was the prime cause of the last Great Depression.
Be American
Those of us who grew up in other countries; those of use who are America's real friends, want what all good friends want for those they care for - that you live up to your own ideals. That you be the nation we know you can be. A bastion of freedom; a nation with the highest respect for civil rights; a country that never gives up "a little freedom for a little safety" and finding neither. A country that doesn't torture, that believes that pre-emptive war is never excusable.
And we want it for you not just because it'd be best for the rest of the world, though it would be, but because it would be best for you. You would be safer, more prosperous, less fearful and have a more assured future if you lived up to the best of what it means to be America - to be American.
So, on July 4th, on your birthday, this is my wish for America and for Americans - that you remember that the right thing to do morally is almost always the right thing to do pragmatically. There is no choice between "freedom and safety"; there is no choice between prosperity and massive inequality; there is no choice between generosity and fiscal prudence and there is no such thing as "managed free speech".
Be the America the world loved. Be the America you can be proudest of - the one that does not torture, that treats all men as equal and with unalienable rights. Be the America that rebuilt Europe and that lends a helping hand to countries like Afghanistan. Be the America that would never invade a country that had not attacked you first. Be the America that is about lifting all boats and not just a few.
Be that America, and we will all be Americans.
Ian Welsh July 4, 2007 - 1:02pm
Sunday, October 28, 2007
Saturday, October 20, 2007
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
The Declaration of Independence: A Transcription
IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America,
When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.--Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
The 56 signatures on the Declaration appear in the positions indicated:
Column 1
Georgia:
Button Gwinnett
Lyman Hall
George Walton
Column 2
North Carolina:
William Hooper
Joseph Hewes
John Penn
South Carolina:
Edward Rutledge
Thomas Heyward, Jr.
Thomas Lynch, Jr.
Arthur Middleton
Column 3
Massachusetts:
John Hancock
Maryland:
Samuel Chase
William Paca
Thomas Stone
Charles Carroll of Carrollton
Virginia:
George Wythe
Richard Henry Lee
Thomas Jefferson
Benjamin Harrison
Thomas Nelson, Jr.
Francis Lightfoot Lee
Carter Braxton
Column 4
Pennsylvania:
Robert Morris
Benjamin Rush
Benjamin Franklin
John Morton
George Clymer
James Smith
George Taylor
James Wilson
George Ross
Delaware:
Caesar Rodney
George Read
Thomas McKean
Column 5
New York:
William Floyd
Philip Livingston
Francis Lewis
Lewis Morris
New Jersey:
Richard Stockton
John Witherspoon
Francis Hopkinson
John Hart
Abraham Clark
Column 6
New Hampshire:
Josiah Bartlett
William Whipple
Massachusetts:
Samuel Adams
John Adams
Robert Treat Paine
Elbridge Gerry
Rhode Island:
Stephen Hopkins
William Ellery
Connecticut:
Roger Sherman
Samuel Huntington
William Williams
Oliver Wolcott
New Hampshire:
Matthew Thornton
IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America,
When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.--Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
The 56 signatures on the Declaration appear in the positions indicated:
Column 1
Georgia:
Button Gwinnett
Lyman Hall
George Walton
Column 2
North Carolina:
William Hooper
Joseph Hewes
John Penn
South Carolina:
Edward Rutledge
Thomas Heyward, Jr.
Thomas Lynch, Jr.
Arthur Middleton
Column 3
Massachusetts:
John Hancock
Maryland:
Samuel Chase
William Paca
Thomas Stone
Charles Carroll of Carrollton
Virginia:
George Wythe
Richard Henry Lee
Thomas Jefferson
Benjamin Harrison
Thomas Nelson, Jr.
Francis Lightfoot Lee
Carter Braxton
Column 4
Pennsylvania:
Robert Morris
Benjamin Rush
Benjamin Franklin
John Morton
George Clymer
James Smith
George Taylor
James Wilson
George Ross
Delaware:
Caesar Rodney
George Read
Thomas McKean
Column 5
New York:
William Floyd
Philip Livingston
Francis Lewis
Lewis Morris
New Jersey:
Richard Stockton
John Witherspoon
Francis Hopkinson
John Hart
Abraham Clark
Column 6
New Hampshire:
Josiah Bartlett
William Whipple
Massachusetts:
Samuel Adams
John Adams
Robert Treat Paine
Elbridge Gerry
Rhode Island:
Stephen Hopkins
William Ellery
Connecticut:
Roger Sherman
Samuel Huntington
William Williams
Oliver Wolcott
New Hampshire:
Matthew Thornton
Tuesday, October 16, 2007
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.
Article. I.
Section. 1.
All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.
Section. 2.
The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.
No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.
Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.
When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies.
The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.
Section. 3.
The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.
Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies.
No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.
The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.
The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States.
The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.
Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.
Section. 4.
The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of choosing Senators.
The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day.
Section. 5.
Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.
Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behavior, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member.
Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal.
Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
Section. 6.
The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.
No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office.
Section. 7.
All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills.
Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States: If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law.
Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.
Section. 8.
The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defense and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;
To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;
To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes;
To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;
To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;
To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;
To establish Post Offices and post Roads;
To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;
To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;
To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offenses against the Law of Nations;
To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;
To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;
To provide and maintain a Navy;
To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;
To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;--And
To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.
Section. 9.
The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.
The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.
No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.
No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State.
No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another; nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another.
No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time.
No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.
Section. 10.
No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.
No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Control of the Congress.
No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.
Article. II.
Section. 1.
The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows:
Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.
The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote; A quorum for this purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall choose from them by Ballot the Vice President.
The Congress may determine the Time of choosing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States.
No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.
In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.
The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them.
Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."
Section. 2.
The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.
He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.
The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.
Section. 3.
He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States.
Section. 4.
The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
Article III.
Section. 1.
The judicial Power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behavior, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.
Section. 2.
The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;--to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;--to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;--to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party;--to Controversies between two or more States;-- between a State and Citizens of another State;--between Citizens of different States;--between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.
In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.
The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.
Section. 3.
Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.
The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attained.
Article. IV.
Section. 1.
Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.
Section. 2.
The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.
A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.
No Person held to Service or Labor in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labor, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labor may be due.
Section. 3.
New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.
The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.
Section. 4.
The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic Violence.
Article. V.
The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.
Article. VI.
All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.
This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.
The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.
Article. VII.
The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same.
The Word, "the," being interlined between the seventh and eighth Lines of the first Page, the Word "Thirty" being partly written on an Erazure in the fifteenth Line of the first Page, The Words "is tried" being interlined between the thirty second and thirty third Lines of the first Page and the Word "the" being interlined between the forty third and forty fourth Lines of the second Page.
Attest William Jackson Secretary
Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independence of the United States of America the Twelfth In witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our Names,
Article. I.
Section. 1.
All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.
Section. 2.
The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.
No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.
Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.
When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies.
The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.
Section. 3.
The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.
Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies.
No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.
The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.
The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States.
The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.
Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.
Section. 4.
The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of choosing Senators.
The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day.
Section. 5.
Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.
Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behavior, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member.
Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal.
Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
Section. 6.
The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.
No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office.
Section. 7.
All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills.
Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States: If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law.
Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.
Section. 8.
The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defense and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;
To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;
To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes;
To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;
To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;
To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;
To establish Post Offices and post Roads;
To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;
To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;
To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offenses against the Law of Nations;
To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;
To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;
To provide and maintain a Navy;
To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;
To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;--And
To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.
Section. 9.
The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.
The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.
No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.
No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State.
No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another; nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another.
No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time.
No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.
Section. 10.
No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.
No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Control of the Congress.
No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.
Article. II.
Section. 1.
The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows:
Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.
The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote; A quorum for this purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall choose from them by Ballot the Vice President.
The Congress may determine the Time of choosing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States.
No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.
In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.
The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them.
Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."
Section. 2.
The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.
He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.
The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.
Section. 3.
He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States.
Section. 4.
The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
Article III.
Section. 1.
The judicial Power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behavior, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.
Section. 2.
The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;--to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;--to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;--to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party;--to Controversies between two or more States;-- between a State and Citizens of another State;--between Citizens of different States;--between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.
In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.
The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.
Section. 3.
Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.
The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attained.
Article. IV.
Section. 1.
Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.
Section. 2.
The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.
A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.
No Person held to Service or Labor in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labor, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labor may be due.
Section. 3.
New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.
The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.
Section. 4.
The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic Violence.
Article. V.
The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.
Article. VI.
All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.
This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.
The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.
Article. VII.
The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same.
The Word, "the," being interlined between the seventh and eighth Lines of the first Page, the Word "Thirty" being partly written on an Erazure in the fifteenth Line of the first Page, The Words "is tried" being interlined between the thirty second and thirty third Lines of the first Page and the Word "the" being interlined between the forty third and forty fourth Lines of the second Page.
Attest William Jackson Secretary
Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independence of the United States of America the Twelfth In witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our Names,
Wednesday, October 10, 2007
TOP TEN CONSERVATIVE SENATORS - 2006
10. Elizabeth Dole (R.-N.C.)
2006 ACU rating: 96%
Lifetime ACU rating: 91%
Years of Service: 4
9. Michael Enzi (R.-Wyo.)
2006 ACU rating: 96%
Lifetime ACU rating: 91%
Years of Service: 10
8. John Cornyn (R.-Tex.)
2006 ACU rating: 96%
Lifetime ACU rating: 94%
Years of Service: 4
7. Saxby Chambliss (R.-Ga.)
2006 ACU rating: 96%
Lifetime ACU rating: 94%
Years of Service: 12
6. Jim Bunning (R.-Ky.)
2006 ACU rating: 96%
Lifetime ACU rating: 95%
Years of Service: 20
5. John Thune (R.-S.D.)
2006 ACU rating: 100%
Lifetime ACU rating: 87%
Years of Service: 8
4. John Ensign (R.-Nev.)
2006 ACU rating: 100%
Lifetime ACU rating: 94%
Years of Service: 12
3. Tom Coburn (R.-Okla.)
2006 ACU rating: 100%
Lifetime ACU rating: 98%
Years of Service: 8
2. Jim DeMint (R.-S.C.)
2006 ACU rating: 100%
ACU rating: 98%
Years of Service: 8
1. James Inhofe (R.-Okla.)
2006 ACU rating: 100%
Lifetime ACU rating: 98%
Years of Service: 20
2006 ACU rating: 96%
Lifetime ACU rating: 91%
Years of Service: 4
9. Michael Enzi (R.-Wyo.)
2006 ACU rating: 96%
Lifetime ACU rating: 91%
Years of Service: 10
8. John Cornyn (R.-Tex.)
2006 ACU rating: 96%
Lifetime ACU rating: 94%
Years of Service: 4
7. Saxby Chambliss (R.-Ga.)
2006 ACU rating: 96%
Lifetime ACU rating: 94%
Years of Service: 12
6. Jim Bunning (R.-Ky.)
2006 ACU rating: 96%
Lifetime ACU rating: 95%
Years of Service: 20
5. John Thune (R.-S.D.)
2006 ACU rating: 100%
Lifetime ACU rating: 87%
Years of Service: 8
4. John Ensign (R.-Nev.)
2006 ACU rating: 100%
Lifetime ACU rating: 94%
Years of Service: 12
3. Tom Coburn (R.-Okla.)
2006 ACU rating: 100%
Lifetime ACU rating: 98%
Years of Service: 8
2. Jim DeMint (R.-S.C.)
2006 ACU rating: 100%
ACU rating: 98%
Years of Service: 8
1. James Inhofe (R.-Okla.)
2006 ACU rating: 100%
Lifetime ACU rating: 98%
Years of Service: 20
Monday, October 8, 2007
CONSERVATIVE OBJECTIVES
Enact legislation to make the tax cuts of 2001 and 2003 permanent.
The tax cuts of 2001 and 2003 shortened and softened the recession and the economic blow of the terrorist attacks. The 2003 tax bill was especially effective since it not only reduced the double-taxation of dividends and capital gains, but also accelerated the income tax rate reductions from the 2001 tax bill. As a result, America is now enjoying a strong economic expansion. However, these tax policy changes are scheduled to expire by 2011. If congress lets the tax cuts expire, taxes will rise and the economy will slow down. Making the tax cuts permanent will send a signal that Congress values continued economic growth.
Enact legislation to reform or repeal the alternative minimum tax and the corporate profits tax.
Congress introduced the alternative minimum tax (AMT) for individuals more than 30 years ago as a means of ensuring that a small number of very wealthy taxpayers could not use tax preferences to avoid any tax liability. This provision has grown into an alternative tax universe that is now affecting millions of Americans. The AMT does not allow taxpayers to take credits or deductions, taxes their income at the relatively high rates of 26 percent and 28 percent, and does not adjust their tax brackets for inflation. Today, thanks to years of providing middle-class taxpayers with special credits and deductions, over 1 million taxpayers are paying the AMT. The U.S. Treasury forecasts that over 40 million taxpayers will be paying AMT taxes within 10 years. Congress should repeal the AMT as part of a major program of tax reform.
Reform the tax code by adopting a single rate, flat income tax that taxes all income once and at its source.
Unleashing the productive potential of the U.S. economy requires that Congress reform today's enormously complex, increasingly burdensome tax system. Congress should adopt a tax system that eliminates all multiple layers of taxation by taxing all income once, at its source, and at one low rate. Such a "flat tax" system would increase the incentives to work, save, and invest and vastly reduce the current barriers to economic growth raised by today's tax system.
Lawmakers should vigorously defend the principle of fiscal sovereignty by rejecting tax harmonization schemes being advocated by the EU and the OECD.
the need to compete in the global economy is a powerful reason why the United States should lower tax rates and shift to a territorial tax system--the common-sense notion of not double taxing income earned outside U.S. borders. congress and the Presidents should not accept any agreements or enact any legislation that would harmonized the U.S. tax system with that of any other country or group of countries.
Congress and the President should adopt energy and environmental policies that enhance the quality of life while facilitating the growth of national income.
An environmentally sound national energy policy would also encourage the growth of new energy supplies and smarter energy use, both of which contribute to increased economic activity and greater national income. congress should adopt a comprehensive energy policy that enhances domestic energy supplies by opening access to oil and gas reserves that are currently off-limits or restricted. further, Congress should promote diverse energy supplies including coal, nuclear, and hydropower, employing new, safer, and cleaner technologies to reduce dependence on foreign imports of oil and gas to meet increasing demand for energy. Likewise, Congress should reform restrictive regulatory regimes contained in the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, which increase costs and restrict energy access and supplies but in fact do little to improve the environment.
Amend the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) to allow workers to take compensatory time off in place of overtime pay.
In this era of two-income families, many workers, especially those with children, would prefer to take additional time off in exchange for working overtime. A compensatory-time amendment to the FLSA would allow employers and workers to agree to just that. Comp time is a pro-worker, pro-family law that allows greater cooperation between employers and employees and reflects the reality of the modern workplace. This would reduce employer overtime costs and increase productivity.
Make unions more accountable to the rank and file.
Unions will always play a vital role in the American workplace, but they should alwyas be strictly accountable to the workers they represent. To strengthen union accountability, two changes should be made to U.S. labor law. First, an external audit should be a required part of the financial reports that unions file under the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act. Workers are entitled to know that their union is using its resources wisely, and auditing will reduce the risks of fraud and abuse. Second, no employer should be allowed to recognize a union without a secret-ballot election. Workers should always have the final say on union recognition, and a secret-ballot vote is the best way to ensure that workers' desires are accurately represeneted in this critical workplace decision.
The tax cuts of 2001 and 2003 shortened and softened the recession and the economic blow of the terrorist attacks. The 2003 tax bill was especially effective since it not only reduced the double-taxation of dividends and capital gains, but also accelerated the income tax rate reductions from the 2001 tax bill. As a result, America is now enjoying a strong economic expansion. However, these tax policy changes are scheduled to expire by 2011. If congress lets the tax cuts expire, taxes will rise and the economy will slow down. Making the tax cuts permanent will send a signal that Congress values continued economic growth.
Enact legislation to reform or repeal the alternative minimum tax and the corporate profits tax.
Congress introduced the alternative minimum tax (AMT) for individuals more than 30 years ago as a means of ensuring that a small number of very wealthy taxpayers could not use tax preferences to avoid any tax liability. This provision has grown into an alternative tax universe that is now affecting millions of Americans. The AMT does not allow taxpayers to take credits or deductions, taxes their income at the relatively high rates of 26 percent and 28 percent, and does not adjust their tax brackets for inflation. Today, thanks to years of providing middle-class taxpayers with special credits and deductions, over 1 million taxpayers are paying the AMT. The U.S. Treasury forecasts that over 40 million taxpayers will be paying AMT taxes within 10 years. Congress should repeal the AMT as part of a major program of tax reform.
Reform the tax code by adopting a single rate, flat income tax that taxes all income once and at its source.
Unleashing the productive potential of the U.S. economy requires that Congress reform today's enormously complex, increasingly burdensome tax system. Congress should adopt a tax system that eliminates all multiple layers of taxation by taxing all income once, at its source, and at one low rate. Such a "flat tax" system would increase the incentives to work, save, and invest and vastly reduce the current barriers to economic growth raised by today's tax system.
Lawmakers should vigorously defend the principle of fiscal sovereignty by rejecting tax harmonization schemes being advocated by the EU and the OECD.
the need to compete in the global economy is a powerful reason why the United States should lower tax rates and shift to a territorial tax system--the common-sense notion of not double taxing income earned outside U.S. borders. congress and the Presidents should not accept any agreements or enact any legislation that would harmonized the U.S. tax system with that of any other country or group of countries.
Congress and the President should adopt energy and environmental policies that enhance the quality of life while facilitating the growth of national income.
An environmentally sound national energy policy would also encourage the growth of new energy supplies and smarter energy use, both of which contribute to increased economic activity and greater national income. congress should adopt a comprehensive energy policy that enhances domestic energy supplies by opening access to oil and gas reserves that are currently off-limits or restricted. further, Congress should promote diverse energy supplies including coal, nuclear, and hydropower, employing new, safer, and cleaner technologies to reduce dependence on foreign imports of oil and gas to meet increasing demand for energy. Likewise, Congress should reform restrictive regulatory regimes contained in the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, which increase costs and restrict energy access and supplies but in fact do little to improve the environment.
Amend the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) to allow workers to take compensatory time off in place of overtime pay.
In this era of two-income families, many workers, especially those with children, would prefer to take additional time off in exchange for working overtime. A compensatory-time amendment to the FLSA would allow employers and workers to agree to just that. Comp time is a pro-worker, pro-family law that allows greater cooperation between employers and employees and reflects the reality of the modern workplace. This would reduce employer overtime costs and increase productivity.
Make unions more accountable to the rank and file.
Unions will always play a vital role in the American workplace, but they should alwyas be strictly accountable to the workers they represent. To strengthen union accountability, two changes should be made to U.S. labor law. First, an external audit should be a required part of the financial reports that unions file under the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act. Workers are entitled to know that their union is using its resources wisely, and auditing will reduce the risks of fraud and abuse. Second, no employer should be allowed to recognize a union without a secret-ballot election. Workers should always have the final say on union recognition, and a secret-ballot vote is the best way to ensure that workers' desires are accurately represeneted in this critical workplace decision.
CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES
Since economies grow fastest when government interferes least, public policy should allow the private sector the greatest leeway for improving efficiency and spurring innovation.
The freedom to use one's labor and capital as one pleases while respecting the equal freedom of others to do the same produces the greatest economic good for everyone at the least cost to society. Government plays a facilitating role in the growth of an economy. However, beyond these core functions, federal fiscal and monetary policies should be as economically neutral as possible. In addition, all levels of government should focus on only those programs that are constitutionally within their purview and provide goods and services that cannot or should not be produced by the private sector, such as a justice system and national defense.
Government should not try to pick economic "winners and losers," nor should it pursue policies to reallocate income and wealth.
The private, competitive marketplace does a much better job of allocating resources than government does. If a company fails to use its capital in a way that creates value for its customers and investors, customers go elsewhere and investment follows sales. The same is true for wealthy families; This is why the Forbes list of the top 400 wealthiest individuals bears little resemblance to the same list 20 years ago. Free and open markets reward thos who enhance economic well-being and strip resources from those who do not.
The tax system should be simple--with tax rates as low and flat as possible and with no income taxed more than one time--and taxes should be collected to finance needed government programs, not for social engineering.
One important way that government can encourage stronger economic growth is to make sure the federal tax code is simple and encourages savings, investment, and work. Nobody should need to hire high-priced accountants and spend hundreds of hours each year just to pay federal income taxes. Moreover, millions of people making decisions about their own lives yields better social and economic outcomes for everyone than a few politicians trying to engineer everyone else's lives.
Tax competition among nations is a powerful liberalizing force in the world economy. Governments are much more likely to adopt good tax policy--and much less likely to increase tax burdens--when politicians understand that labor and capital can escape to jurisdiction with pro growth fiscal policy.
Tax competition is also a vital component in the battle for fundamental reform since it pressures policymakers to lower tax rates and reduce double-taxation of saving and investment. Regrettably, uncompetitive high-tax nations do not like tax competition and are working through international bureaucracies such as the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and European Union (EU) to pursue tax harmonization policies that would hinder the flow of jobs and capital to low-tax jurisdictions.
Vigorous international trade enhances domestic economic growth, especially when that trade is free of tariffs and regulations that reduce the variety and volume of foreign goods and services.
Free trade helps economic growth by pressing domestic producers to improve their products and reducing their operating costs. It provides consumers with a wider array of products and services at lower prices than would otherwise prevail in the absence of free trade. Thus, it is emblematic of the benefits that everyone receives from open and competitive markets; more choices and enhanced economic well-being.
A dynamic economy is fueled by a vibrant and innovative workforce. Labor laws should not constrain workers or employers in a growing and changing work environment, but should advance freedom and accountability to provide the greatest opportunities for increasing productivity.
Employers and workers should have as much flexibility as possible to create a workplace that is productive and rewarding. U.S. labor laws, written in the 1930's, should reflect the dramatic changes in the economy and the workforce that have occurred since then and give workers and employers the ability to respond to these and future changes. At the same time, labor law should ensure that unions serve the interests of workers. Workers benefit when unions are strictly accountable to the men and women whom they seek to represent.
The freedom to use one's labor and capital as one pleases while respecting the equal freedom of others to do the same produces the greatest economic good for everyone at the least cost to society. Government plays a facilitating role in the growth of an economy. However, beyond these core functions, federal fiscal and monetary policies should be as economically neutral as possible. In addition, all levels of government should focus on only those programs that are constitutionally within their purview and provide goods and services that cannot or should not be produced by the private sector, such as a justice system and national defense.
Government should not try to pick economic "winners and losers," nor should it pursue policies to reallocate income and wealth.
The private, competitive marketplace does a much better job of allocating resources than government does. If a company fails to use its capital in a way that creates value for its customers and investors, customers go elsewhere and investment follows sales. The same is true for wealthy families; This is why the Forbes list of the top 400 wealthiest individuals bears little resemblance to the same list 20 years ago. Free and open markets reward thos who enhance economic well-being and strip resources from those who do not.
The tax system should be simple--with tax rates as low and flat as possible and with no income taxed more than one time--and taxes should be collected to finance needed government programs, not for social engineering.
One important way that government can encourage stronger economic growth is to make sure the federal tax code is simple and encourages savings, investment, and work. Nobody should need to hire high-priced accountants and spend hundreds of hours each year just to pay federal income taxes. Moreover, millions of people making decisions about their own lives yields better social and economic outcomes for everyone than a few politicians trying to engineer everyone else's lives.
Tax competition among nations is a powerful liberalizing force in the world economy. Governments are much more likely to adopt good tax policy--and much less likely to increase tax burdens--when politicians understand that labor and capital can escape to jurisdiction with pro growth fiscal policy.
Tax competition is also a vital component in the battle for fundamental reform since it pressures policymakers to lower tax rates and reduce double-taxation of saving and investment. Regrettably, uncompetitive high-tax nations do not like tax competition and are working through international bureaucracies such as the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and European Union (EU) to pursue tax harmonization policies that would hinder the flow of jobs and capital to low-tax jurisdictions.
Vigorous international trade enhances domestic economic growth, especially when that trade is free of tariffs and regulations that reduce the variety and volume of foreign goods and services.
Free trade helps economic growth by pressing domestic producers to improve their products and reducing their operating costs. It provides consumers with a wider array of products and services at lower prices than would otherwise prevail in the absence of free trade. Thus, it is emblematic of the benefits that everyone receives from open and competitive markets; more choices and enhanced economic well-being.
A dynamic economy is fueled by a vibrant and innovative workforce. Labor laws should not constrain workers or employers in a growing and changing work environment, but should advance freedom and accountability to provide the greatest opportunities for increasing productivity.
Employers and workers should have as much flexibility as possible to create a workplace that is productive and rewarding. U.S. labor laws, written in the 1930's, should reflect the dramatic changes in the economy and the workforce that have occurred since then and give workers and employers the ability to respond to these and future changes. At the same time, labor law should ensure that unions serve the interests of workers. Workers benefit when unions are strictly accountable to the men and women whom they seek to represent.
RIGHTOBERFEST: THE CONSERVATIVE LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE
Ed Morrissey of Captain's Quarter will appear at the Conservative Leadership Conference being held this week in Reno, Nevada. Among the speakers will be presidential candidates Mitt Romney and Duncan Hunter.
WHERE CONSERVATIVES STAND: OUR PRINCIPLES ON ASSURING ECONOMIC LIBERTY AND STRONG ECONOMIC GROWTH
America's economic success over the decades has been due to lower taxes and fewer government-inspired obstacles to enterprise than is true in most other countries. But that favorable climate for economic growth has been maintained only by vigilance in resisting politicians' temptation to micromanage the economy. Regrettably, many lawmakers are once again focused on moving money from one pocket to another and favoring one industry over another rather than on fostering growth. This must be resisted, and Washington must instead be urged to concentrate on creating the most favorable climate for enterprise by reducing and simplifying taxes, reducing red tape, and avoiding economic class warfare.
THE PRESIDENT'S FY 2006 BUDGET PROPOSES TO MAKE THE TAX CUTS PERMANENT
The President has appointed an Advisory Panel to suggest changes to the tax code. This panel is not expected to recommend junking the tax system and replacing it with a simple and fair flat tax, but reports indicate that it will propose policies that move in the right direction--though there is a small danger that it will endorse a European-style value-added tax (VAT) as an addition to the current system.
In a great disappointment, the Administration has proposed to increase the U.S. subsidy to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, even though the Paris-based bureaucracy is pursuing policies such as global taxation that threaten American economic interests.
THE PRESIDENT'S FY 2006 BUDGET PROPOSES TO MAKE THE TAX CUTS PERMANENT
The President has appointed an Advisory Panel to suggest changes to the tax code. This panel is not expected to recommend junking the tax system and replacing it with a simple and fair flat tax, but reports indicate that it will propose policies that move in the right direction--though there is a small danger that it will endorse a European-style value-added tax (VAT) as an addition to the current system.
In a great disappointment, the Administration has proposed to increase the U.S. subsidy to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, even though the Paris-based bureaucracy is pursuing policies such as global taxation that threaten American economic interests.
Friday, October 5, 2007
CONSERVATIVE VALUES PART 2: FISCAL ISSUES
Conservative Fiscal Issues, including business and the economy, energy and Environment, free trade, spending, and taxes.
MANDATE FOR LEADERSHIP
TOP 10 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR DOMESTIC/FOREIGN POLICY
DOMESTIC POLICY
*Enact a new federal budget process
*Reform Social Security and Medicare to reduce liabilities while improving retirement programs
*Enact a Taxpayers' Bill of Rights
*Terminate the federal highway program and transfer existing funding mechanisms and responsibilities to the states.
*Enact legislation to make the tax cuts of 2001 and 2003 permanent.
*Reform the tax code by adopting a single rate, flat income tax that taxes all income once and at its source.
*Take a variety of steps, up to and including an amendment to the U.S. Constitution, to preserve and protect marriage as a fundamental social institution and to protect it from activist judges.
*Reform the remaining welfare programs, such as food stamps and public housing, to require work as a condition for receiving aid
*Maximize personal choice and free market competition and replace the current Medicare financing with a system of "premium support" that is adjusted for Medicare patients age, health costs, and income.
*Create Social Security personal retirement accounts that workers would own and could use to build nest eggs for retirement.
FOREIGN POLICY
*Wage a global war of ideas to discredit bin Laden's harsh totalitarian vision of Islam.
*Refine the organization of the Department of Homeland Security
*Develop appropriate global basing infrastructure at home and abroad.
*Appoint a Public Diplomacy Coordinator to sit as a director in the National Security Council.
*Enact a new initiative permitting creation of a Global Free Trade Alliance (GFTA) among countries already committed to open markets and economic freedom.
*Work to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, particularly in rogue states such as Iran and Syria.
*Restructure federal homeland security grants to state and local governments.
*Continue to press for increased NATO flexibility centered on the increased use of the Combined Joint Task Force mechanism.
*Rethink the "one China" policy.
*Support the Millennium Challenge Account.
BRAINY REPUBLICANS SUPPORT U.N. SEA TREATY
The U.N. Law of the Sea Treaty is still hanging around. The last time the Democrats and their cronies tried to get this bill before the Senate, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist was able to keep it from coming to the floor. Now, Harry Reid is in charge, and he is determined to get this bill passed, even with all of the lies and misleading statements that have been a part of this bill.
Wednesday, October 3, 2007
BILL FRIST
We are a strong, robust, and prosperous nation. Optimism is the essence of our success. It drives our creativity and emboldens our entrepreneurial spirit. It is what makes us invest in the future and accomplish our highest aims.
Bill Frist
Bill Frist
Tuesday, October 2, 2007
RUSH LIMBAUGH ESCALATES HIS WAR WITH HARRY REID
Rush Limbaugh is going after Harry Reid. Rush is now saying that Harry Reid is a disgrace as Majority leader of the Senate and should resign.
THE REAL ISSUES 2: REAL WEALTH
A really interesting article explaining why no matter how much money you take out of America it will not be poor, and why, no matter how much money you give to Nigeria, it will not be rich. It's based on a study by the World Bank's Environmental Economics Department that was started about two years ago. The argument of the article is that it is intangible assets, or intangible capital that really determines a country's wealth.
Monday, October 1, 2007
WHAT CONSERVATIVES ARE NOT - RUBBING OUT THE SMEARS
This site really explains conservatives far better than I could.
We all, liberal and conservative alike, tend to pigeon-hole the opposition. It's easier to dismiss the opposition's positions as crazy, stupid, or downright evil without understanding why they believe the things they do.
This site is dedicated to explaining the "why" of many conservative beliefs for those who want to know. This article, on the other hand, just seeks to dismiss the "crazy", "stupid" and downright "evil" assumptions many liberals make about conservatives.
WHAT CONSERVATIVES ARE NOT:
All The Same: Conservatives do not spring from pea pods. There are as many variations of conservative belief as there are professing conservatives. Most liberals don't spray old ladies' mink coats with paint in the name of the environment. In the same way, most conservatives don't believe the Clinton Administration was controlled by aliens. Do not expect conservatives to look like millions of clones. The list below claims to refer to conservatives in general, and cannot cover every exception.
Hate-Filled: Saying somebody's belief is based in "hate" is a smear-tactic, plain and simple. Disagreement or disapproval does not equal Hate. I can conclude that animal hair makes my daughter's eyes swell shut, and yet, not hate dogs. I can care about homosexuals, and enjoy the friendship and talents of gay people, and still object to naked gay men dancing in the streets.
Environment Destroyers: Conservatives tend to encourage industry. Industry provides jobs and enables parents to feed their children and keep their houses lit and warm. Conservatives tend to reject extreme environmental policies that destroy industry in favor of marsh insects, scrap fish, and obscure birds. They reject the idea that animal life trumps human life. However, conservatives also hate waste and destruction and want to conserve the environment.
In my family, we recycle everything we possibly can. Paper products, cardboard, steel cans, aluminum, glass bottles, plastic bottles and containers. All go to the recycling facility 17 miles away. We compost all our vegetable and fruit scraps. If we could live on solar and wind energy, boy howdy we'd do it. You know why? No more electric bills, and we could possibly help our fellow humans and make some extra money by feeding energy back into the grid.
The point is, conservatives care about the environment, but not to the point of earth worship. We should be wise stewards, good managers of the earth. Dumping raw sewage in the rivers is bad management. It is also bad management to allow deer to reproduce to such great numbers that they overgraze and then starve en masse come winter. It's dumb to turn thousands of acres of productive farmland (home to animals, waterfowl, and humans) back into desert in honor of a suckerfish.
Xenophobes: The United States is a nation of immigrants. Even the American Indians were once new to the land. We have no business rejecting foreigners or people of different skin colors or cultures. However, Americans still have the right to want to protect their country and uphold the idea of equality. Equality means both equal treatment under the law and equal responsibility.
Conservatives believe that anybody who wants to live in America should have to go through the same legal routes as everybody else. No cheating. And newcomers should become Americans. Learn English asap. Embrace American culture and values. Avoid sapping public resources.
Racists: In a connected issue, conservatives are not the racists in America. Maybe the conservatives in the 1960s rejected desegregation, but a lot has changed in 40 years. Today, minorities hold places of high respect in government, in law, in medicine, in movies and television - and conservatives enjoy and appreciate their talents.
Today, conservatives reject concepts like affirmative action that are racist. They reject racist policies because they do affirm Martin Luther King's desire to judge a man based on the content of his character and not based on the color of his skin. Conservatives just want people, black, white and tan, to take responsibility for their own behavior and be decent, law-abiding citizens.
Stompers of Poor People
Conservatives do not want to steal from the poor to give to the rich. They do not want to send grandma into the rainy streets on her ear. At the same time, conservatives don't want to steal the rich man's money and make everybody poor. That's what Socialism does. Conservatives want everybody who can work to do so, and they want the honest man to earn a decent wage for his work and not have it snatched away by the government. They want humans to help and depend on each other, and not on the imaginary deep pockets of Uncle Sam.
Conclusion
It's dangerous to label and assume the worst of anybody. Conservatives have a different perspective than liberals, different priorities, and different ways of approaching societal ills. It's wise to learn why we hold specific views, or what the well-developed conservative position is before passing judgment on ideas that may initially make no sense.
And actually, the fully-informed method of approaching the opposition should be the norm for all of us.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)